Indonesia is one of the few democratic countries in Asia. Its political reforms in the wake of decades of authoritarian rule have brought about a decentralization of power and limits to presidential authority. However, the country remains deeply troubled by corruption, poverty and clustering of capital in society’s elite. Radical sectarian elements, and opportunistic factions in the old ruling elite, continue to exploit social unrest.

The elections that took place in April were a major test of the country’s democracy. Although the incumbent president Joko Widodo (known as Jokowi) is likely to win a second term, there are concerns that the election will be marred by allegations of fraud and other irregularities. Voters appear to have given a higher priority to good governance than the ethnic or religious identity of a candidate.

A more troubling development is the rise of Prabowo Subianto, a former special forces commander with a dark past. He is widely seen as having the potential to unseat Jokowi, and he has vowed to tackle corruption, reduce inequality and improve human rights protections. Those with hopes for democracy in indonesia will be watching carefully to see whether he can govern effectively, and how he will deal with issues such as pervasive corruption and the ethnic conflict in West Papua.

Elections in indonesia are a complex process. While the country has a legal framework and electoral management bodies that are broadly viewed as being largely democratic, the party system remains fragmented. This year, a record number of independent candidates ran for parliament, and in some cases won seats. The electoral commission has struggled to ensure that all parties comply with election law.

As in other democracies, Indonesia’s largest legislative party tends to gain more power than smaller ones. This means that electoral politics is primarily about controlling the presidency, not winning a majority of seats in the legislature. Jokowi has taken advantage of this dynamic by cracking down on any challenge to his authority, using the courts to do so in a way that many observers find questionable.

Indonesia’s judiciary has improved, but problems remain. The country continues to grapple with a high level of corruption, and due process is often constrained by vaguely worded laws that restrict personal freedoms. Academics who organize public discussions on Papua, for example, have been subject to intimidation and even treason charges. The government also maintains a strong monopoly over university policy, and some professors fear that the Education Ministry could impose restrictions on research deemed incompatible with the national philosophical ideology, Pancasila. This is a serious concern, particularly as the country has an increasingly young population. Many of these youths are active on social media and may be influenced by rumours, propaganda and misinformation. The quality of Indonesia’s journalism is also a concern, as the country struggles to develop a professional and reliable media industry. In some cases, news outlets are censored or silenced by the government. This has become a particular issue for journalists who investigate human rights abuses and other controversial issues.

Democracy is more than just voting in elections or expressing your opinion on social media, it’s a robust, ongoing conversation about how best to govern ourselves as humans. This ongoing discussion, known as a democratic society, requires everyone’s participation to thrive. That could mean running for office, volunteering at an organisation, protesting or just talking about politics with friends and family. It’s all part of being a good citizen.

One of the most common arguments for democracy is that it is the best way to protect individual rights or interests. This argument has its roots in the writings of John Stuart Mill and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who claimed that a system of rule by the people forces those in power to take into account the judgments or preferences of a wider range of individuals than would be the case under monarchy or aristocracy.

A related argument holds that democracy promotes economic development. This claim has been based on studies of the relationship between democracy and growth, and it is sometimes argued that autocratic governments are less effective at economic growth than democracies (Brennan 2014; Quirk 2016).

Various moral justifications for democracy have also been advanced. Some argue that democracy is morally desirable independent of its consequences, while others are more sceptical of this claim and suggest that democracy must be justified in terms of its contributions to a certain conception of human beings and society (Brennan 2016).

Other arguments for democracy have been based on the belief that it is the only form of government that can fairly accommodate the competing demands of individual liberty and collective well-being. This view, which is sometimes referred to as the utilitarian or instrumental argument for democracy, is based on the belief that well-functioning democracies are associated with high levels of protection of core liberal rights such as free speech, freedom of religion and association, and the right to vote (Brennan 2016).

Finally, many have defended democracy on the grounds that it helps develop individuals. This argument draws on the work of Scott Page and Lu Hong to assert that a random collection of limited-ability agents will generally outperform the very best members of that group, thus giving the average person a better chance of making good decisions than would be the case with experts alone (Hong & Page 2004; Page 2007). This is often referred to as the “diversity-trumps-ability” theorem and has been used to support claims for democracy in a variety of settings including schools and workplaces. (See also Landemore 2013). This is a challenging argument to make, however, given that the evidence of poor decision-making in democratic societies is considerable. Moreover, there is much evidence that democratic citizens are ill-informed about politics and apathetic to the political process, allowing corrupt elites to manipulate policy and fuel polarization (Lord, Ross, & Lepper 1979; Achen & Bartels 2002; Kahan 2013). Consequently, some argue that democratic institutions should be replaced by more authoritarian forms of governance in poor countries until they have achieved sufficient levels of development to support democracy in their own right (Brennan 2016: ch. 3).

The tumultuous era in which we live demands that democracy be defended. The stakes are high, and many Americans believe that we have reached a dangerous inflection point, with an authoritarian movement cultivating a story that places Christianity, white people, and men at the top of a status hierarchy. To save the country from a democratic setback, this movement must be countered with an understanding that those who support it have better selves, and that writing them off as irredeemable simply thrusts them closer together.

The best way to counter this narrative is to reframe the democratic debate around how to increase the power of individual citizens. That is why the new generation of liberals must rethink what it means to be a progressive, and how to support a broad coalition of communities. It must focus on reducing extremism within particularly at-risk populations—evangelicals, veterans, and discrete right-wing communities supportive of violence—by supporting organizations already trusted by them to reduce the chances for extremist recruitment, build moderate voices, and create social groups that speak in favor of democracy and against violence.

Increasing the power of citizens to vote and to propose legislation through a direct popular process is a crucial element in this approach. Fortunately, there are many ways to do this, including state constitutional amendments that allow the people to vote directly on laws passed by their legislatures, and provisions in state constitutions that allow voters to initiate legislation outside of the legislature. The best example of this is California’s initiative system, which allows voters to propose ballot initiatives on issues of their choosing.

In short, the new generation of liberals must reframe the democratic debate around how to unleash and expand the powers of individuals, and how to create a more open, experimental society that is aware of its own dynamic originality. The spirit of restlessness in democracy is not only about a growing desire to have more freedoms, but also about the constant struggle that arises as individuals and communities fight for greater equality.

This struggle to expand the horizons of the human person has shaped democracy in America for hundreds of years, and it is one reason why the American political system remains a model for many countries around the world. But the tumultuous era in whose midst we now find ourselves demands that we defend the democratic principle of individual liberty as vigorously as possible. The future of the world’s oldest democracy hangs in the balance. Alexis de Tocqueville’s four-volume Democracy in America (Democracy in America; French: La démocratie en Amérique) is a classic work that illuminates this struggle. In its daring conjectures, elegant prose and formidable length, it stands as one of the greatest works of nineteenth-century political writing. It demonstrates, as no other text has before it, the potential of the democratic spirit to explode conventional language and break free from its constraints. Tocqueville’s understanding of this was born in his peripatetic journey through the young republic.

Freedom is the most precious of all human rights, and it’s a key ingredient in our ability to make a positive impact on the world. In this unique and special time in history, it’s a good time to reflect on what freedom means to us as individuals, as well as the broader community.

In its most basic form, freedom is the power and right to do whatever we want without hindrance or restraint – or the opposite of being forced to do something against our will. However, the concept of freedom is much more than simply being able to choose. It’s a deeper notion that includes the right to think, believe and act freely, up until our choices start to interfere with someone else’s freedoms.

Freedom of association is a more specific part of freedom that gives people the right to organize and join clubs, societies, trade unions and other groups that share their interests. In addition, this type of freedom also allows individuals to work in any field they choose. This is one of the most important elements of freedom because it provides individuals with a sense of purpose and belonging to a community. This is a big advantage to individual well-being as it makes the individual feel valued and boosts their productivity, thus helping society as a whole become more prosperous, educated and healthy.

This type of freedom is closely linked to freedom of religion, which gives the individual the right to practice their religion, or not, at will. It’s also a crucial component of economic freedom, which is the ability for individuals to participate in free markets and to control their property through ownership and inheritance. This is essential to a functioning economy, as it ensures that the market can respond to changes in supply and demand and creates a sustainable competitive edge.

Another aspect of freedom is the freedom of movement, which gives people the ability to travel and reside anywhere they want within a country. This is important because it allows for more diverse communities, which in turn leads to the development of new ideas and innovations. This is a great benefit for humanity, as it ensures that new knowledge and innovations are available to everyone.

There is no one-size-fits-all definition of freedom, but most of the time it’s viewed as a basic right that every person deserves to have. There are many advantages to freedom that contribute to the success of a society, including better health and education, a stronger economy, higher life expectancy and more individual ownership. The best way to preserve these aspects of freedom is through a free market system that empowers the individual by giving them more power and choice, as well as the rights that go with them. This is what will allow the world to progress into a future of prosperity, relationships and harmony. It’s clear that the future of mankind depends on freedom.

Law is the system of rules and regulations that a community or government develops to deal with crime, business agreements, and social relationships. It encompasses numerous fields and has profoundly impacted civilizations throughout the world. A person interested in law can study the field in university settings, but they may also pursue internships or volunteer opportunities and conduct informational interviews with people who work in a variety of legal fields to get a more realistic idea of whether it would be worthwhile to pursue this degree path.

One of the biggest benefits of law is that it ensures a level playing field for all citizens. This is accomplished through a fair and impartial judiciary that upholds individual rights, including the freedom of speech, religion, and association. Another benefit of law is that it prevents social instability and ensures stability within a community by establishing standards and ensuring equality in all aspects of society.

Another benefit of law is that it provides compensation when a person or their property is harmed, whether through an automobile accident, defamation, or financial losses. This is achieved through fields such as tort law, contract law, and labor law. Lastly, law provides protection against those who are unjust, which is achieved through criminal law and international law.

The disadvantage of law is that it can be inflexible, with greater emphasis being placed on form rather than substance. This can result in delays in the dispensation of justice and prevent the legal field from keeping up with the changing needs of society.

If the majority of a population begins to ignore traffic laws, for example, the streets would quickly become chaotic and dangerous places to be. This is why laws must be enforced by a state in order to have a positive impact on the lives of its citizens.

Those who study law can gain valuable skills that are applicable to any type of career. They will learn to write and analyze information, which can help them in any profession, but they will also be able to file formal disputes or legal responses with neighbors and local officials and understand how to effectively participate in regulatory efforts or city and county council meetings.

Law can be a rewarding and challenging career path for those who choose to pursue it. While it is important to take a careful approach when considering this career choice, the rewards can be great for those who have a passion for justice and enjoy intellectual challenges. By studying this field, you will be able to protect the interests of your clients, as well as your own. Moreover, you will be equipped with the tools necessary to handle even the most complex legal issues. Law is a career that will continue to have a significant impact on our daily lives. It is an ever-evolving discipline that will continue to shape our societies in many ways.

While Indonesia’s democracy is in a state of stagnation and decline, it has so far avoided the type of collapsed democracy that other countries in the region have experienced. In this article, I analyse why this is the case, arguing that it is due to a combination of factors that have made democracy in indonesia viable even as its quality has declined. The main reason for this is that self-interested elites have determined that it is better to preserve a weakened democracy than to push it into autocratic territory. This has meant that clear limits are set for the progression of democratic decline, but a re-strengthening of democratic substance is impeded.

The initial conditions for a stable democracy were favorable: Indonesia had an existing constitutional framework that placed limits on presidential power, as well as a system of multiparty politics and decentralized governance. In addition, electoral rules favored coalition building in legislative and presidential elections, making it relatively difficult for individual parties to control the parliament or presidency. Furthermore, the political landscape was stabilized by a non-confrontational governing style of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

These conditions have been reinforced since the collapse of Suharto’s repressive regime in 1998. In particular, a broad coalition of liberal and conservative political forces has formed a governing coalition. This coalition has supported democratic transition and stability in the parliamentary and presidential elections, and it has also contributed to the stabilization of the bicameral People’s Consultative Assembly.

Yet, despite these institutional preconditions, democratic governance has declined in recent years. In 2022, the House of Representatives enacted a new criminal code that includes provisions that are seen as anti-democratic (such as insulting the president and other state institutions, expressing views contrary to the state ideology Pancasila, holding protests without permits or engaging in extramarital sex). The government has been able to push these anti-democratic measures through parliament partly because of its broad alliances with elite actors.

Moreover, the continued competition among elites for governing positions obstructs incumbents’ attempts to navigate democracy into autocratic territory. For instance, any incumbent who attacks existing elite privileges or their own presidential ambitions is likely to face a backlash from the public, as was the case with Widodo’s attempt to evade term limit re-election in 2023.

Against this backdrop, it is hard to overstate the importance of civil society in retaining democracy in indonesia. In a country with a highly diverse and vibrant population, Indonesian civil society is an important source of critical pressure on the governing coalition. However, as the political space has become increasingly partisanised since the polarisation episodes of the second half of the 2010s, civil society’s ability to hold elites accountable is in decline. As a result, the prevailing model of democracy in indonesia is one that features a largely formal and functional democratic structure with little democratic substance. Nonetheless, Indonesia’s current minimalism is a testament to the fact that democracy can survive when it serves elite interests.

Democracies come in many shapes and sizes, and their political, economic, and social contexts shape their functioning. What all democratic systems share, however, is a commitment to citizens’ rights to equality and freedom of association, thought, speech, and assembly, and to the free and fair exercise of their votes. It is these freedoms that allow democracy to be a system of government in which the people are represented and the decisions made by elected representatives reflect the people’s collective will.

In the world today, democracy seems a fragile concept, with some questioning whether the European Union is really a democracy, or whether the United States is one at all. Moreover, there are many people who have lost faith in the ability of democracy to address their concerns and provide them with an economic and social life in which they can thrive.

To be consolidated, democracy needs a ‘broad and deep legitimation, whereby all significant actors at both the elite and mass levels believe that the democratic regime is the best available option for their society, better than any realistic alternative they can imagine’ (Diamond, Reference Diamond1999: 65). The elaboration of such a definition of democracy has been the subject of much debate amongst scholars and theorists.

One approach has been to define democracy merely as a form of government that guarantees substantial equality in the distribution of political power. In contrast, other definitions have focused on the social conditions that are necessary for a democracy to function, and include the notions of transparency, accountability, and civil liberties. These social requisites of democracy are widely considered to be indispensable for the existence of a democratic regime, and include a range of aspects such as pluralism, a free press, the right to protest, and an open and competitive electoral process.

There are also many different indicators used to evaluate democracy. Survey methods can be particularly useful for this purpose, because they can provide a wide range of evaluations on individual components of a democratic regime. These can be weighted to generate synthetic measures, allowing the underlying uncertainties in those indicators to be accounted for. For example, aggregating items on different dimensions of democracy allows the extent to which respondents feel that their country’s governance is effective and in accordance with their preferences to be evaluated.

Using survey data, we can evaluate the various dimensions of democracy that have been defined by scholars and others. For instance, we can measure how well a government’s policy choices align with citizen preferences by looking at the correlation between the governing party’s policies and their evaluation by voters. The first of these dimensions of accountability relates to the extent to which citizens can punish governing parties for their policies, and has a fairly large slope and factor loading in our model, meaning that it is a very important component of the latent variable of democracy. This dimension of accountability is complemented by the third, which measures whether governing parties explain their decisions to citizens.

The political system of the United States has a problem. Not only do its citizens have a dim view of their government, but they are less inclined to trust it and more likely to be hostile toward it. There are reasons for this, some of which date to the founding and include the Constitution’s wrangling over representation in the House and Senate; the odd system of electing presidents and lifetime appointments for Supreme Court justices; and a structural distrust of masses that has persisted even as industrial progress made the masses more familiar with mechanical devices that sped up production and reduced the need for manual labor.

More recent factors include scandals and corruption that erode public confidence in institutions; efforts to limit dissent by restricting electoral access (like voting hours, polling locations, and gerrymandering); and a rise in the polarization of politics that has deepened ideological divisions between Democrats and Republicans and between urban and rural communities. These conditions have contributed to a widespread sense that government is no longer capable of doing the things most people want it to do.

But the most significant reason democracy in america is not working as it should is more fundamental than any of these problems. Essentially, American citizens have become satisfied with the idea that their social equality is inexorable; they see no need to continue their active participation in self-government. De Tocville feared that if Americans grew complacent about the need for democratic participation, government would grow more powerful and in a kindly sort of way cover society with “a network of petty, complicated rules.”

Instead of giving up on democracy, we should fight to save it from these forces. But before we do, it’s important to understand the nature of the problems and how they have come about.

Copyright Notice: This online edition of Democracy in America was created from the original publication by the University of Chicago Press and is provided for electronic distribution under the terms of the University’s Digital Scholarship Reproduction Policy. It may be archived or distributed for noncommercial purposes as long as this copyright notice is preserved and a link to the original version of the work is included. Any other use of this text requires the explicit permission of the publisher. To contact the publisher, please visit the University of Chicago Press website.

This excerpt was first published in the February 2024 issue of The American Prospect. To receive the magazine, and more like it, in your inbox each week, subscribe today.

The excerpt is taken from Chapter 6 of Democracy in America, by Alexis de Tocqueville, edited by Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop, published by the University of Chicago Press. Copyright 2000 by the University of Chicago. All rights reserved. This copyrighted material can be found on The American Prospect’s website with the permission of the publisher.

For information about purchasing copies for classroom use, please contact the publisher.

This article is part of a series on the challenges to democracy in the 21st century. To find other articles in this series, click here.

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Bagi mereka yang aktif mengikuti hasil Togel dan Toto, penting untuk selalu memperhatikan data keluaran dan merencanakan strategi permainan. Dengan mengikuti tren dan pola dari pengeluaran Macau, pemain bisa meningkatkan peluang menang. Selain itu, bergabung di komunitas yang membahas togel dan toto Macau juga dapat memberikan insight yang berguna untuk permainan berikutnya.

Live Draw Macau

Live Draw Macau menjadi salah satu momen yang ditunggu-tunggu para pecinta togel dan toto di seluruh Indonesia. Dalam acara ini, para pemain dapat menyaksikan secara langsung pengundian angka yang menjadi penentu hasil keluaran. Kehadiran live draw memberikan kepercayaan lebih kepada pemain bahwa semua proses dilakukan secara transparan dan adil. Dengan demikian, para peserta bisa merasakan sensasi yang berbeda ketika mengikuti setiap detik dari pengundian.

Setiap hari, live draw diadakan pada waktu yang telah ditentukan, dan para peserta dapat mengaksesnya melalui berbagai situs togel dan toto Macau. Selain menampilkan hasil langsung, live draw juga sering disertai dengan analisis dan prediksi yang bermanfaat bagi para penggemar. Ini menjadi kesempatan emas untuk mempelajari pola angka dan meningkatkan peluang kemenangan. Informasi seputar live draw tentu menjadi bagian penting dari edisi terbaru, membantu pemain tetap update dengan perkembangan terkini.

Bagi yang ingin merasakan momen menarik ini, tidak ada salahnya untuk bergabung dalam live draw Macau hari ini. Dengan teknologi yang semakin canggih, pemain dapat mengikuti langsung dari perangkat mereka tanpa harus pergi ke lokasi fisik. Pastikan untuk selalu melihat tanggal dan waktu live draw agar tidak terlewatkan kesempatan untuk mendapatkan informasi terbaru mengenai keluaran dan hasil yang sedang berlangsung.